Journal of African Political Economy & Development
The Journal of African Political Economy & Development (JAPED) is an inter-disciplinary journal, with a focus on Africa and its many entanglements.
Revisiting the Efficiency–Poverty Nexus: Evidence from Kenyan Smallholder Maize Farmers
The relationship between farm productivity and poverty reduction remains contested in settings characterised by persistent spatial inequality. This study examines whether technical efficiency is associated with multidimensional poverty among 8,434 smallholder maize farmers in Kenya, using Tegemeo Institute survey data collected under the Kenya Climate-Smart Agriculture Project during the 2020-2021 agricultural season across nine counties. Technical efficiency is estimated using a stochastic frontier approach while its effect on multidimensional poverty is analysed using an instrumental variable Tobit model with county fixed effects. Results indicate a mean technical efficiency level of 35.5 percent. In pooled specifications, technical efficiency is associated with lower multidimensional poverty; however, this relationship disappears once county-level heterogeneity is accounted for, suggesting that baseline results are driven by between-county variation rather than within-county differences. Further evidence from the first-stage analysis indicates that the identifying variation in the instrument is largely cross-county, implying weak within-county identification under fixed effects. Overall, multidimensional poverty is strongly shaped by spatial and structural county-level conditions, highlighting the importance of context-specific constraints in determining multidimensional poverty outcomes. The findings suggest that efficiency-enhancing interventions alone are insufficient for poverty reduction unless complemented by spatially targeted policies addressing infrastructure, market access, and institutional disparities.
Jerobon Josphine, Gathiaka John Kamau , Oleche Martine
Copyright (c) 2026 Journal of African Political Economy & Development
Starving in the Midst of Plenty: Central Bank Credit, the Triple Trap, and Monetary Sovereignty Limits — a Random Effects FGLS Analysis of the CEMAC Bloc
This study examines monetary policy transmission within the CEMAC bloc, evaluating the linkage between central bank credit and domestic absorption across all six member states from 2001 to 2019 (N=108). Within a “Triple Trap” conceptual framework, the analysis utilizes Feasible Generalized Least Squares (FGLS) to address cross-sectional heteroscedasticity and contemporaneous correlation. The empirical evidence indicates a probable “absorption trap,” as credit growth lacks a statistically significant stimulative effect on domestic demand. Notably, the coefficient for loans to commercial banks (LCBGR) is insignificant ( =-0.0106, p =0.235), suggesting the hypothesized “accelerator” mechanism is not empirically robust. Furthermore, Dumitrescu Hurlin panel Granger causality tests demonstrate a unidirectional temporal precedence running from absorption toward credit growth. The causal flow from Government Investment(I) toward Central Bank Credit Growth (CCBGR) is highly significant (p < 0.01), whereas the relationship from Consumption (C) is significant only at the ten percent level (p = 0.051). These findings support the epistemic position that CEMAC credit is primarily reactive to endogenous demand shifts rather than a proactive growth driver. Consequently, the study posits that “one-size-fits-all” monetary policy appears insufficient for the region’s structural specificities.
Family networks and microcredit access in Kenya
For a long time now, social networks have been hailed for lowering otherwise high information and search cost to agents as well as making a principal’s market dominance increasingly ample. We therefore use the data from the 2016 FinAccess Household Survey for Kenya to unravel the effects of family networks in increasing the probabilities of members accessing microcredit. Broadly, we seek to verify whether family networks impact loan uptake by members of households and how this effect differ across gender. Employing the limited dependent variable modelling in our analysis, we find that family networks are vital in reducing search and information costs. Active networks increase the probability of accessing credit compared to non-active networks. This effect is more pronounced among women thus been in tandem with literature on determinants of credit access by women.
George Kariuki Kinyanjui1 and Mdoe Idi Jackson
Copyright (c) 2017 Journal of African Political Economy & Development
Prophets of development: An investigation into Kaiser Industries’ economic relationship with Ghana, 1957-1965
Kaiser Industries had been able to amass political influence in the United States during the heights of the Great Depression and translated those relationships into benefits. Kaiser industries became emissaries for American democracy, while at the same time looking towards the company’s bottom line. Their story is not unique, as the United States would encourage several high profile American companies to enter into business in foreign states that the American government was looking to curry political favour. Simultaneously, the creation of the Breton-Woods system, such as the World Bank Group and its subsidiaries, ready to support and “lend” to projects that had the backing of the US, the story I seek to tell reaches multiple dimensions of Cold War geopolitics. This is a story of development and the dangers of competing interests. The US sought alliances to curb the Soviet Union and the spread of communism; Ghana sought assistance in industrializing and introducing modern businesses into the nascent nation; Kaiser sought new markets to exploits and over time, Kaiser Executives were able to forge close and personal links with Ghana’s president, Kwame Nkrumah. They used these connections to also assist them pushing their agenda, which at times conflicted with Ghana’s own stated agenda. Ultimately, this is a look at business practices in the shadow of the Cold War and its connections to neocolonialism.
Legalizing small scale gold mining in Gbane in the Upper East Region, Ghana
Small Scale Mining has gained global attention for two broad reasons. First, as a source of subsistence for the poor and increasingly becoming the backbone of mineral-rich rural economies in low-income countries, including Ghana. And second, as a cause of environmental degradation, violent crime and armed conflict, among others. Thus, the ills and potential benefits associated with Small Scale Mining have compelled countries to want small scale miners register, so as to monitor and regulate their operations. These attempts take the form of changes in policies and laws so as to allow miners to legalize their operations. In Ghana, artisanal activities were considered illegal prior to 1989. The promulgation of the Small Scale Gold Mining Laws, however, created opportunity for miners to legalize their activities. Notwithstanding the availability of this opportunity to legalize, most small scale miners in Ghana have failed to register. Using qualitative approach, this study seeks to understand why small scale miners in Gbane are still operating without licenses, although the opportunity to acquire a license exists. This study concludes that high license fees, bureaucracy, mistrust, are responsible for the miners’ unpreparedness to legalize their activities.
Henry Awinibod Ayamba, Aminu Dramani and Olivia Agbenyega
Public sector pay is a major fiscal policy challenge in most African countries. Accordingly, countries have implemented various approaches to develop a realistic and acceptable pay policy. Ghana is no exception to the trend. Succeeding governments undertook without much progress pay reforms and reviews aimed at improving public service salaries and managing the recurring canker of disparities, inequities and imbalances in the pay administration system. As a contribution to the continued search for cogent reasons to explain the poor implementation of the Single Spine Pay Policy (SSPP), this paper adopts a political economy approach that shows sensitivity to the fact that the implementation of the SSPP is inherently complex and political; it is not just a technical exercise or a public service problem and therefore needs to be linked to the political objectives of the government, the interests of the groups affected, including those of the political elite and unions and associations as well as the prevailing political environment. The paper also discusses some of the policy and institutional framework deficits that have hampered the smooth implementation of the SSPP, which will need urgent attention by the government and other stakeholders, notwithstanding some of the gains made.
Copyright (c) 2016 Journal of African Political Economy & Development
Politics and organisational capacities of selected key fiscal and social institutions in Uganda
This paper examines the linkages between resource mobilization and social outcomes looking at institutions that play a key role with respect to resource mobilization and social spending in Uganda. It does so by looking at the following institutions: the Uganda Revenue Authority (URA), Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA) and the Ministry of Health (MoH). The three institutions were selected because they are key organizations in either revenue collection or social service delivery or both and all three were targets of reforms – with varying degrees of success. The paper analyzes how these institutions compare with respect to political prioritization and in particular to what extent these institutions benefit from key institutional reforms and organizational capacity. The analysis reveals how varying political interests in and priorities of public institutions serve to explain differences in the delivery of public services and their organizational capacity. It offers illustrations to the bigger picture that only politically important organizations – those perceived to be key for the political survival of ruling elite – are well equipped with resources. The findings also stress the point that organizations that tend to perform better do so because they are politically prioritized and offered political protection.
REACTION OF GLOBAL STOCK MARKETS TO BREXIT
This study investigates the impact of anticipated Brexit announcement on short-term market response of major global stock markets. The results indicate that political news (Brexit) creates uncertainties in the global stock markets. We found that global stock markets generally responded negatively to the Brexit announcement on the first trading day and the day after the event except in China. We also found that announcements of opinion polls released immediately before the referendum did not have any significant effect on global stock market movements, raising questions about the quality of information contained in opinion polls.
Godfred Amewu, Jones Odei Mensah and Paul Alagidede
EXPECTATIONS OF POWER: THE POLITICS OF STATE-BUILDING AND ACCESS TO ELECTRICITY PROVISION IN GHANA AND UGANDA
Why do some states provide access to a key public good, electricity, to their citizens, while others do not? We examine this question by explaining the remarkable differences in the level of access to electricity between Ghana and Uganda. Today, Ghana is ranked second in its electrification rate while Uganda is placed among the lowest on the African continent. The comparison of these two cases is valuable because these countries were at roughly similar starting points prior to British colonial rule; both countries shared similar centralised precolonial state capacity and the potential resource endowment for large-scale hydropower. We argue that divergent political histories of state building in the energy sector in the two countries created contrasting citizen expectations around the public provision of electric power over time. The paper draws on archival sources, policy documents, newspaper coverage, and interviews with donors, politicians, policymakers, NGO leaders, business people, and citizens to analyse the differences in development paths. We find evidence for a persistent difference in the role of the state over time in the two cases. Despite similar pressures from donors, we hypothesize that the formulation of the post-independence social contract has long legacies for contemporary citizen expectations and the implementation of current policy reforms.
Lauren M. MacLean, Christopher Gore , Jennifer N. Brass and Elizabeth Baldwin
POVERTY, INCOME DIVERSIFICATION AND WELFARE IN NORTHERN GHANA
Households in several sub–Saharan African countries including Ghana usually have to cope with poverty, income and consumption volatility by diversifying their income sources. Using the recent wave of the Ghana Living Standard Survey (GLSS 6), we examine the determinants of participation in farm employment as an income diversification strategy and its impact on welfare in the poorest regions of Ghana. Our findings show that marital status, household size, education and access to credit are important drivers of participation in farm work albeit regional differences. The effect of age on participation decision is intrinsically non–linear in an inverted U–shaped fashion. Further findings from the propensity score matching reveal that engaging in farm employment positively and significantly impacts on welfare. While we recommend substantial investment in the agriculture sector, it is simplistic to assume that the resource allocation in itself will engender the needed agricultural productivity and ultimately translate into improved welfare. Moreover, while the obsession with agricultural–led growth as a poverty reduction strategy has genuine merits, we submit that non-farm activities also make substantial contributions to household welfare and can play significant roles in transforming northern Ghana.
Alhassan Musah, Muazu Ibrahim and Ibrahim Osman Adam
Advent of mobile telecommunications in Ghana: Their role and contribution to the business activities of small and medium-scale enterprises
The last two decades have seen tremendous growth in mobile phone ownership and use in both the global North and in developing countries like Ghana, which has contributed to the transformation of the social and economic lives of citizens. Nowhere is this evident than in small-scale business activity. This paper therefore focuses on the role and contribution of mobile phones on the operations of small and medium scale enterprises (SMEs) in Ghana. Rather than the quantitative and macro-level analysis prevalent in the literature, this present research advances prior research by undertaking a micro-level discussion that draws on several research instruments, including the interviewing of 40 owners of SMEs in Accra, Ghana and examines the impact of mobile phones on their businesses. The main argument and most significant insight and findings from the research is that, from the perspective of small-scale business owners, while mobile phones help to provide better market information, improve communication and efficiency, and reduce business costs, the environment in which they operate remains one of the most key factors that can help their prospects of contributing to overall development. Thus, if mobile telephony is to help the SME sector contribute to development, there is the need for support by the Ghana government in the form of financial assistance, marketing opportunities and infrastructural development.
DUALITY OF THE AFRICAN STATE AND SECURITY CHALLENGES
The big bang introduction of Westphalian models of statehood in Africa truncated the organic evolution of indigenous African governance structures into dominant structures for the African people. Despite the truncation, however, the traditional African state has continued to exist alongside the modern state. The resultant bifurcation has created a unique duality of statehood in which the traditional state runs parallel to the modern. This paper interrogates this phenomenon within the context of the continent’s contemporary security burden. It argues, among others, that the duality of the African state splits the loyalty of citizens to the modern state and undermines the ability to harness citizen support for crime prevention and nation building and has also presented an interaction of factors that facilitate the politicisation of ethnicity with enormous security consequences.
The settler has nowhere to feed and the indigene has all the pastures: Re (visiting) the indigeneity-settler crisis in Nigeria
Indigeneity and regional control is an unavoidable truth even among creatures, nay, all living things. As things remain in Nigeria today, the 1999 Constitution ensures the advantages of citizenship to all Nigerians paying little attention to where they move and settle. All things considered, it neglects to give close attestations in regard of indigeneity rights for the, without a doubt, more fragile parts of the nation – the autochthons! It is here endorsed, accordingly, that as an issue of need, there ought to be an unmistakable refinement approach among citizenship and indigeneship statuses by a considerable system establishment that ensures the unprotected run of the mill advantages of indigenes. The issue of settlers and indigenes has incessant in Nigeria. It is representing a considerable measure of risk to the corporate presence of the Nigerian state. The investigation along these lines looks at the indigeneity status of residents in multi-ethnic and multi-social Nigerian culture, and the accentuation is on settler and indigene emergency in the nation. The study adopts historical analysis to inspire data on the issue. It observes that the settlers and indigenes’ wonder is a noteworthy issue equipped for undermining and pulverizing the solidarity of the nation. Such a significant number of emergencies in the nation that had shaken the country to its establishment could be followed to such wonder. The investigation presumes that for Nigeria to gain ground as a single entity, it must discover a method for handling the issues related with settlers and indigenes.
Copyright (c) 2018 Journal of African Political Economy & Development
China and Africa relations: Making their lunch or eating it?
Despite the exponential increase in Chinese investments in the past oneand-half decade, opinions are sharply divided among scholars about the real impact of these investements on ordinary Africans, with critics claiming that China is "making and eating Africa’s lunch". The paper examines the benefits of Chinese aid flows, investment volumes, employment and infrastructural development against some estimates of risks (such as environmental damage, job loses, democracy and human rights and economic dependence). It then argues that despite reservations that China is getting significant benefits in terms of resource extraction over long periods in exchange for their investments, it is also important to consider risks such as time inconsistency, weak property rights, potential regime change, contract renegotiations, and expropriations. Whether China will make and eat Africa’s lunch depends on the political will and policies designed by African leaders to reduce the risks to their countries, while maximizing the benefits of Chinese investments.
NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANISATIONS AND SOCIAL ENTREPRENEURSHIP GROWTH IN NIGER STATE OF NIGERIA
Social entrepreneurship (SE) has become a vehicle for meeting the social needs of the disadvantaged through the activities of Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs). The phenomenal growth in NGOs especially in the Niger State of Nigeria, and the corresponding rise deprivation among other social ills calls for a study into the relationship between NGOs and SE growth. In this paper, a framework is built in which NGOs employs the forms of parent-organisation, sources of income and others as determinants of SE. Through interviews and regression analysis, the study concludes that majority of the NGOs are not operating in the normal not-for-profit model that is independent of political control and interference. The implications of this development and the need to reorient NGOs as agents for boosting SE are elaborately discussed in the study.
NGOs, spirituality and community development in Northern Ghana: Challenges and sustainability
The present study sought to identify barriers to sustainability as experienced by Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), including the faith-based ones. The work was based on case reviews and case studies of some NGOs, which worked in the northern parts of Ghana. The study used a qualitative approach of indepth interviews and focus group discussions. Reviews of the relevant textual materials supplemented the primary data. The study found a number of barriers to sustainability of the organizations, which affected their effective and efficient operation. Using religious models of sustainability and other approaches, the study suggests a combination of strategies for overcoming those barriers for their future existence. The study is important because it contributes to local and international theories of sustaining NGOs.
Victor Selorme Gedzi, Daniel Anane Peprah and Evelyn Naa Kochoe Cofie
Innovative anti-corruption measures and institution building in Nigeria
One of the major factors stymying anti-corruption war in Nigeria is institutional weakness. However, anti-corruption war witnessed the establishment and implementation of innovative measures towards addressing this critical area in recent time. These include the Presidential Advisory Committee on Anti-Corruption (PACAC), National Prosecution Coordination Committee (NPCC), Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA), Treasury Single Account (TSA), Freedom of Information Bill (FoIB) and Whistleblower policy. While ACJA is to ensure speedy delivery of judgment by removing some technical impediments, TSA has succeeded in streamlining all government accounts into a single account, thereby blocking leakages and illicit access to government funds. So far, TSA has saved the Nigerian government over 4.6 trillion Naira (US$146 million). Whistleblower policy has also led to the recovery of about US$160 million and 8 billion Naira (USD$252 million) in looted funds. The FoIB empowers the citizens to scrutinize government activities. Added to these is the rejigging and energization of the hitherto enervated anti-corruption agencies. Expectedly, issues bordering on the institutionalization of anti-corruption fight have attracted the attention of scholars with insightful analyses. However, there has to date been little systematic evaluation of the newly introduced innovative anti-corruption measures within the framework of the existing institutions deploying to fight corruption. This article investigates the effectiveness or otherwise of innovative measures within the institutional framework. Using qualitative method, this article finds evidence that sustainability and perdurability of anti-corruption fight remain a challenge as the fight is built around and personified by individuals occupying the office at one time or the other.
The Political Economy of Cannabis Legalisation in East Africa
This paper explores the political economy of cannabis legalisation in East Africa, a region with favourable agroecological conditions and significant untapped poten tial in the global cannabis market. While global attitudes shift toward regulation and legalisation, East Africa’s cannabis industry remains poorly understood, constrained by outdated laws, stigma, and fragmented enforcement. The study critically analy ses the historical and legal evolution of cannabis regulation, the sociocultural role of cannabis among indigenous communities, and the region’s response to interna tional reform trends. Drawing on secondary data including crime statistics, policy documents, and media reports the paper interrogates how political and economic interests shape national drug policies and influence the emerging legalisation dis course. It highlights how prohibition policies have sustained informal economies, hindered revenue generation, and exacerbated rural underdevelopment. Conversely, the transition to a legal, regulated cannabis economy could offer substantial pub lic goods through job creation, healthcare integration, industrial diversification, and increased fiscal revenues. By positioning cannabis reform within broader structural challenges such as state capacity, trade policy, and external influence the paper argues that legalisation is not merely a health or moral issue, but a strategic eco nomic imperative. Ultimately, the study calls for evidence-based, locally grounded legal frameworks to guide East Africa’s cannabis future
Copyright (c) 2023 Journal of African Political Economy & Development
The political economy of mobile money interoperability and transactions in Ghana
Over the last ten years, there has been a substantial upsurge in the number of alternative channels available for the delivery of financial services in Ghana. Conventional delivery methods seem to have given way to modern delivery technologies. The paper argues that the ubiquitous use of mobile phones in Ghana, thus encouraged both industry players (i.e. the mobiletelecommunication operators) and non-industry players (e.g. Traditional banks) alike, to adopt innovative ways of exploiting the situation to their benefit. The result is that most financial institutions now strive to provide services that are operated on mobile platforms. This spectacle was further enhanced by the mobile telecommunication operators, when MTN, a market leader, launched the first mobile money services in Ghana in August, 2009. While there seems to be an almost inevitable collaboration between the mobile telecommunication operators and commercial banks, in rolling out mobile financial services to their customers, the dynamics of their relationship is rather more complicated. Adopting a methodologically pluralist approach, the paper explored the inherent complementary and or competitive relationship that exist between them.
Ali Yakubu Nyaaba, Mariama Marciana Kuusaana and Daniel Owusu-Ansah
Production of feed grade ash from empty palm bunch and evaluation of its growth performance effects in post- hatch broilers
The study was undertaken to produce a palm bunch ash containing low concentra- tion of potassium and to determine its effects on post-hatch broilers performance. Empty palm bunches were collected from a palm oil mill, cleaned, dried, and ashed. Two methods were used to produce low potassium ash from palm bunch ash which includes soaking, filtering and drying method (SFA); sieving and drying method (SDA). Each of the three ash samples were replicated three times in a completely randomized design (CRD). Physicochemical analysis for bulk density (BD), water holding capacity (WHC), and mineral concentrations of the three ash samples were carried out, and the data generated subjected to analysis of variance (ANOVA) and significant means separated using the Duncan’s Multiple Range Test. The result showed that the soaked filtered and dried ash (SFA) recorded lowest potassium, and also sodium values among the three ash samples and was therefore selected as the appropriate low K ash to be used in the feeding trial. 120 Abor Acre day old chicks were divided into four groups of 30 birds each, which were again replicated three times in a completely randomized design (CRD). Four experimental starter diets (T1, T2, T3, T4) were formulated such that the control had no SFA, whereas the other three diets contained graded levels of SFA at 0.05, 0.10, 0.15kg/100kg in par- tial replacement of common salt. The experiment lasted for 4 weeks. Proximate and mineral compositions of the experimental diets were determined while physiological responses were assessed using growth performance of the post hatch broilers. Final body weight, weight gains and average daily feed intake were significantly higher (p>0.05) for T2 birds after 7 days of feeding the starter diets. Supplementation of post – hatch broilers diets with SFA at the 0.05, 0.10 kg/100kg diet level are recom- mended for improved growth performance.
Nwogu, C.M1 | Nwogu, R.K2 | Okoli, I.C.1
Youth Policy Development in Ghana: A Study on the Implementation Successes and Challenges of the Youth Employment Agency
Contemporary governments globally seek meaningful politico-social and economic intervention policies that would ensure the progress of their countries. One of such key areas has been youth economic advancement due to threats posed by unemployment. In such efforts, the Government of Ghana introduced the National Youth Employment Programme (NYEP) which is implemented by the Youth Employment Agency. However, several studies and reports show that the program has not made much impact in addressing the situation. Adopting a descriptive research approach, this study was undertaken to examine the key factors that account for ineffective implementation of the NYEP by the Youth Employment Agency (YEA) in the Kumasi Metropolis. It sampled one hundred and thirty (130) participants from a target population of 648 through random and purposive sampling procedures. Regarding instrumentation, self-administered questionnaires and unstructured interviews were employed. Some positive impacts of the YEA in the implementation of the Programme were identified to include providing jobs, training, and experience to the Ghanaian youth. However, the Agency is prone to several challenges which are attributed to party politics, highly centralized administration system, corruption, and inadequate financial resource. It is recommended that effective measures such as adequate funding and effective decentralisation of power should be considered to manage the challenges that bedevil the implementation process.
Copyright (c) 2021 Journal of African Political Economy & Development
The political economy of ‘Okada’ transport business as an employment strategy in Nigeria
Much academic energy has been so dissipated by transport geographers on the traffic relevance of motorcycle (Okada), especially as a commercial means of providing mobility. Observably, the mutually related essence of transport and employment that led to the popularity of motorcycle in most cities in Nigeria is fast extending to multidimensional problems of economy, politics and social malaise. The objective of this study therefore is to find out these other underlying political, economic and social factors overshadowing the mobility relevance of motorcycle as a transport business and why it is fast becoming an employment strategy for millions of unemployed youths in Nigeria. The questions are: has it alleviated poverty in the country or has it provided for means of development of human capital for the needed industrialization in Nigeria? The study area is Ekiti state of Nigeria where surveys of probabilistic sampling method with random techniques are used to pick 500 Okada riders as respondents. The critical investigation in this study is to find out why the respondents are engaged in ‘Okada’ transport business and why they abandoned their various trades as artisans and their education. It is to examine Okada’s business’ prospect of buoyant economy and the observable Okada riders’ daily income and association with political elite. The study is to also find out why ‘Okada Unions’ are becoming second arms of political parties, forming strong pressure influences and ‘stated groups’, which are always motivated by politicians to attain political gains. The study will be raising policy options for the government that will not only secure a socio-political and economic future for the country as a developing nation, but will also be predicting the outcome of mono-lateral Okada economy across Nigeria cities.
The state of human rights in mining communities in Ghana: The Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice's role in promoting socio-economic rights in Ghana
Ghana’s development agenda is normatively guided by international human rights standards and principles. The economic and social objectives of the State as espoused in the Directive Principles of State Policy (DPSP) in the Constitution provide a broad framework that should inform government’s development policies. To accomplish the DPSP, development policy makers must be abreast with human rights principles and standards. In particular, they must implement the policies with a view to protecting the well-being of vulnerable groups. Whilst it cannot be denied that economic development is the panacea for the enjoyment of human rights, it is not without its own attendant problems, including egregious violations of human rights. In the pursuit of the right to development, serious human rights abuses are sometimes committed. In this article, I review the monitoring role of the Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice (CHRAJ) in promoting the human rights of communities impacted by mining operations in Ghana. The review is based on the CHRAJ report on the State of Human Rights in Mining Communities in Ghana. The report, which paints a gloomy picture of the debilitating effects of mining operations in Ghana recommended legislative reforms in the entire mining industry.
Copyright (c) 2019 Journal of African Political Economy & Development
Political supremacy and quandaries of liberation parties in Africa: The Case of Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) and Convention People’s Party (CPP)
This article explores the current state of some nationalist political parties in Africa. Most African nationalists formed political parties after the Second World War to liberate their countries from colonial rule. The paper adopts a comparative historical approach to examine trends and new developments that underscores the current state of Julius Nyerere’s Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) in Tanzania and Kwame Nkrumah’s Convention People’s Party (CPP) in Ghana. This article draws on these two cases to argue that the changes that have occurred within some liberation parties in Africa have either accounted for their political fortunes or misfortunes. It illustrates that African nationalist parties that failed to build robust and effective party structures after independence struggled to survive after heir founders exited the political arena. Whiles this holds true for most parties, other dynamics have also contributed to the sustained political dominance or miseries of some.
Resolving farmer-herder conflict in Agogo traditional area of Ghana: an assessment of the government policy of expulsion
Violent conflicts, particularly farmer-herder conflicts have, for a long time, been a serious security problem in Agogo Traditional Area of Ghana. This paper explores “Operation Cowleg”, the local community and national level response in dealing with the conflict. However, the study confirms that the policy is not sustainable for two main reasons: i.e (i) most of the cattle are owned by influential Ghanaians with competing interest in the cattle business in Agogo and (ii) the ECOWAS1 protocol. Based on the findings, the study recommends the following short, medium and long terms solutions: dialogue and settlement committee, creation of buffer zone, socialisation and integration, distribution and relocation, ranching system and proper land arrangement.
Does context matter in financing political parties? The Ghanaian experience
This article examines the contextual factors that influence political party financing in Ghana. There is no state funding for political activities in Ghana. Political parties have mechanisms to raise funds from their membership and party sympathizers. It is based on primary data collected through questionnaires and in-depth interviews with party members. The findings reveal that the mobilization of money from ordinary members of political parties in Ghana is a serious challenge because of weak institutional factors such as political patronage, lack of transparency and accountability, and lack of effective organizational capacity. The lack of financial support from ordinary members can also be attributed to poverty, fear of political victimization and socio-cultural beliefs of the citizens. A t-test shows that the institutional factors were found to be more severe than factors that were related to the weaknesses of the ordinary members.
Social Democrats or Property-Owning Democrats? Contending Political Ideologies in Ghana’s Fourth Republic
This paper analyzes the political ideology of the two main political parties in Ghana’s Fourth Republic; National Democratic Congress (NDC) and New Patriotic Party (NPP) to ascertain how their ideological leanings influence their policy positions. The paper relies on extensive review of manifestos and policy documents of these parties as well as the existing literature on political ideology and party politics. A qualitative approach to data collection was employed in soliciting the views of leading members of the NDC and NPP, academics and experts of policy think tanks using semi-structured interviews. Overall, this paper argues that although the NDC and NPP subscribe to the main western political ideologies, these parties hardly adhere to it principles. Thus, ideology, although relevant, is insignificant in mobilizing electoral support in Ghana. In essence, support for these parties in Ghana is largely driven by popular developmental issues that resonate well with the populace rather than the ideological beliefs.
Richard Kweitsu1 | Ernest Mensah Akuamoah2
Challenges and Sustainable Intervention in Cote d’Ivoire-Ghana Border Issues
This article examines the background to Ghana’s search for peaceful co-existence with Cote d’Ivoire after its attainment of independence in 1957. Relying mainly on information from archival and secondary documents and using the qualitative analysis technique, the article provides insights into the creation of the Cote d’Ivoire- Ghana international boundary. It investigates the landscapes of the kingdoms, empires and states between Cote d’Ivoire and Ghana that have been caught up in the complex geopolitical boundary problems and challenges. It also assesses the sustain- ability of the land conﬂict redress policies championed by Ghanaian governments. The study ﬁnds that colonial boundary issues worsened under Kwame Nkrumah, Ghana’s ﬁrst president, compelling him to create a boundary re-demarcation commis- sion to resolve boundary issues. Border disputes persisted, necessitating the creation of another boundary re-demarcation commission in 1968. Relative peaceful Cote d’Ivoire-Ghana relations have since persisted, which is attributable, partly to the work of the Commission. One wonders if the relative peace is sustainable without a longer lasting scheme. This article examines the boundary issue and contributes to the study of Ghana’s relations with Cote d’Ivoire and colonial boundary issues in Africa.
“Vote and make soup”: money politics and democratic decline in Ondo State, Nigeria
Elections in Ondo State have historically been akin to organised crime. Following violence that usually characterizes elections in the state, its environment has always been tension-soaked. Expectedly, the need to conduct peaceful elections has gained currency in the intellectual space. In fact, the phenomenon has not eluded mentioning in the public discourse. However, there has to date been little systematic evaluation of the relationship between vote buying and the 2016 gubernatorial election in the state. There was a new coinage in the political lexicon in the state: “vote and make soup”. “Vote and make soup” strategy deployed by a section of the political class was very new to electoral process in the state. This article investigates the influence of the strategy on the outcome of the 2016 gubernatorial election and the effects of such strategy on democracy in the state. Using mixed method techniques, this article finds evidence that “vote and make soup” strategy reduced regular violence that hitherto trailed electoral process in the state and influenced the outcome of the election. The findings are relevant both for understanding the dynamics of violence-free electoral manipulation, and also for the effect of such procedural perversion on democracy in Ondo State
Exploring the potential effects of international donor funding on local NGO mission creep in Ghana
This study explored the potential effects of international donor funding on the mis- sions of local non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Ghana. While local NGOs often depend on overseas donor assistance to carry out their missions, such funding modalities can bring forth uncertainties and vulnerabilities, such as funding fluc- tuations and inconsistencies, shifting priorities, and changing financing methods. These factors raise important questions about whether international donor funding enables local NGOs to accomplish their declared missions or if it compels them to compromise their missions for survival. The paper adopts a resource dependency perspective and draws on primary data collected from local NGO actors to provide valuable insights into how international donor financing may contribute to mission creep among local Ghanaian NGOs. By analysing this dynamic relationship, the study offers a heuristic understanding of the potential adverse effects of international donor funding on local NGO missions in Ghana. The findings shed light on the sub- stantial influence of scarce resources and reliance of local NGOs in Ghana. The study revealed that the pressure to secure funding frequently results in NGOs re-evaluating their original objectives. This not only hampers their ability to tackle particular social problems but also endangers their viability in the long run as they become more dependent on external funding.